The Investigation of Online Child Sexual Abuse Cases in Sweden

2.1 Collaboration in online CSA investigations

A common denominator in the research that has targeted organizational dimensions of online CSA investigation is the need for multi-skilled, cross-functional teamwork in these settings. For instance, Wilson-Kovacs et al. (2022) examined the day-to-day organizational arrangements in which online CSA investigation takes place, and showed that collaboration between IT forensics, investigators, and managers was extensive. Profound forensic expertise combined with knowledge of investigating sexual offences against children are key success factors in online CSA investigations. Similar conclusions were drawn by Stol (2002), who also discussed the importance of collaboration between online CSA units, rank-and-file officers, as well as other investigative capacities, in order to sufficiently address cases with different complexity and workload.

While these researchers discuss collaboration from a perspective of how an efficient workflow can be achieved, another perspective on the importance of collaboration concerns how collaborative work processes enable a reciprocal form of emotional support within online CSA units (Tapson et al., 2022). Two studies by Powell et al. (2014a, 2014b) exemplify the degree to which teamwork was integral to investigators’ abilities to cope with various stressors in their work environment. In the studies, collaboration and interactions with colleagues within online CSA investigation was important for informal debriefing, social bonding, peer monitoring, and sharing of (often black) humour that provided relief in a work situation with enduring workplace stressors. While these examples are informal, a common feature of online CSA investigation work practice is also more formalized efforts to work with social support, such as peer support programmes, group counselling, and team building. In essence, research on this matter points to the conclusion that rich collegial relationships provide an important prerequisite and framework for effective coping.

The studies above point to the fact that there is potential for greater efficiency in the establishment of more systematic approaches to teamwork in online CSA investigation. This conclusion also seems to be true for other types of investigations. For instance, in their review of effective police investigative practices, Prince et al. (2021) linked higher case clearance rates to team-oriented investigative methods and collaboration between investigative units. Additionally, research on crime investigation work practices, as highlighted by Hällgren et al. (2021), has emphasized the importance of social and collective sensemaking derived from collaboration and knowledge integration, particularly when handling complex cases. Similar findings were reported in Brookman et al.’s (2019) study of homicide investigations, where bringing detectives with diverse skillsets together in teams and letting the team constellations develop as investigations unfolded was identified as a critical success factor. In other words, it is of great importance to integrate and combine competencies for efficient investigation work; in online CSA cases, this means combining expertise in technology and sexual offences against children in the investigations (Henry & Powell, 2018; Holt et al., 2020).

A final point regarding collaboration in online CSA investigation work concerns the importance of multi-agency collaboration, which is needed in cases that involve identified victims. In a study of ʻnetworked policing’ in a Canadian online CSA context, Grace et al. (2019, p. 198) discussed the potential benefits of a networked approach and proposed that when police and other agencies collaborate with mutual understandings and clear roles, this facilitates workflows that prioritize the safety and best interests of children. As indicated by Voss et al. (2018) and Newman et al. (2005), these kinds of multidisciplinary, child-friendly settings with representatives from various agencies can provide support and service to child victims, relatives and witnesses. From a police perspective, they are an important setting for conducting victim and forensic interviews.

2.2. The occupational stigma of online CSA investigations

As many of the studies above allude to, working as an online CSA investigator involves managing burdensome and emotionally challenging tasks, such as reviewing large amounts of disturbing image and film material and meeting young victims. In addition to the emotionally demanding investigations impacting investigators’ well-being and increasing work-related stress (Huey & Kalyal, 2017), working with issues considered taboo can also result in the investigators becoming “tainted” by and associated with the crimes they investigate. This can in turn lead to people distancing themselves from the CSA investigators, a phenomenon commonly referred to as “dirty work” when discussing stigma at an occupational level (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; Zhang et al., 2021).

Occupational stigma typically arises from having work tasks that are perceived as undesirable, unpleasant or morally questionable, leading to the attachment of stigma to those who undertake them. For example, Zilber (2002) suggests that workers in rape crisis centres are exposed to burdensome emotions when assisting victims, and thus coming into close contact with “dirty” and detestable crimes such as rape. More current research, conducted specifically in a context of online CSA investigation units, has also acknowledged how working with “virtual dirt”, such as child abuse material, fall into the same category (Wilson-Kovacs et al., 2022).

The effects of being stigmatized has been described as wide-ranging and complex, impacting various aspects of an individual’s well-being, from psychological and emotional health to social relationships and job satisfaction (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; Ruebottom & Toubiana, 2020). However, as noted by Zhang et al. (2021), there is limited research on how stigma affects the organization, but that it is reasonable to expect that organizations characterized by an occupational stigma would have reduced employee engagement and productivity, or high turnover rates – a pattern observed in online CSA units (Riksrevisionen, 2021).

3.1 Data collection

The data collection draws on a case study tradition (Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007) in which criminal investigation can be seen as a specific work practice governed by rules, structures, beliefs, values, presuppositions that “go without saying”, and normative ideas that inform an agent’s actions. Thus, many qualitative methods can be used in tandem to examine what the main concerns of actors within such a practice revolve around and what behaviours are used to resolve such concerns (Artinian, 2009).

We have used several qualitative methods of data collection to map experiences of current work processes and challenges in online CSA investigations. More specifically, we have analysed documents (approx. 140 pages), conducted interviews with key stakeholders and strategic management in the police (n=3), sat in on five meetings with strategic management where online CSA was discussed, and organized a workshop with online CSA investigators (n=7) where the participants used graphic elicitation methods (Bravington & King, 2019) to describe a typical case process.

The data collection was conducted in two rounds. In the first round, we analysed the documents, interviews, and meeting observations that intended to give the research group an initial understanding of how online CSA investigations are organized in the Swedish police. Additionally, we aimed to identify the known challenges that different stakeholders within the police identify in relation to this branch of investigation.

The documents we analysed included two audit reports (one internal and one external) detailing the current organization and performance of online CSA investigation units within the Swedish police. Beyond the insights gained from these reports, we conducted three semi-structured interviews with managers of online CSA units. Furthermore, we sat in on and observed meetings where strategic management discussed the organization of online CSA investigations at a regional level.

Following this first round of data collection, we organized a three-hour workshop with participants directly involved in online CSA investigations (such as lead investigators, section heads, intelligence analysts and investigators) from different parts of the studied police region. The workshop aimed to collaboratively enhance the understanding of the work process of investigations by exploring the challenges of their operations. Seven participants took part in the workshop, and they were divided into two smaller focus groups. Their primary task was to elucidate the operational procedures in online CSA investigations. In this endeavour, we used graphic elicitation as a method (also called participant-led diagramming; Umoquit et al., 2011). In short, this method is participant-driven, and in our case, it entailed that the focus groups discussed the case process while also drawing it up as a timeline, flowchart or other type of process model of the participants’ choice.

During the process, the graphic representation facilitated the discussion of aspects such as the order of activities in case work, central problems, social nodes, connections (to others within and outside the police), and general experiences of the case process. Specifically, the participants were tasked with explaining the step-by-step process from a crime being reported to court hearing. In relation to this process, they were asked to reflect on their roles, the parties involved, necessary cooperation, parts of the process that usually work well, and where problems may arise. Following this, all participants reconvened as a larger group to present their process models and engage in a collective discussion.

The workshop concluded with an exercise where the participants generated a list of identified problems based on the process mappings. Throughout the workshop, all four authors were responsible for observing, discussing with participants, and taking notes to capture important insights. The workshop ended with a short survey-based workshop appraisal in which the participants were given the opportunity to anonymously comment on the methods and activities. Among other things, the informants were asked about the perceived relevance of the workshop content to their work. On a seven-degree scale (1 – not relevant at all, 7 – very relevant), the workshop was given a 6.1 mean average.

3.2 Analysis

The findings are based on an analysis of the audit reports, notes from the observed meetings, transcribed interviews with strategic management and flowcharts produced during the workshop. This data was compiled with the software NVivo 12 for processing. As the study aims to explore challenges in online CSA investigations, the analysis focused on identifying the main issues and commonalities as described by the informants. Thus, we conducted basic content analysis and constructed codes and categories in two steps.

First, we conducted what Strauss and Corbin (1998) refer to as “open coding”. That is, we compiled several first order codes that adhere to informant terms in the coding software. After going through the material in this way, we started to seek similarities and differences among the codes and thereby moved our analytical focus to what Miles et al. (2014) call “axial coding”, where we constructed fewer but more overarching themes to describe the central challenges related to the investigation of online CSA crimes.

During the whole process, we used the flowcharts from the workshop as a reference and as a guide to make sense of the narratives and themes that were articulated by the participants. By combining the descriptions of the online CSA units from the audit reports and the flowcharts drawn by the workshop participants, we were able to create a model illustrating a standard case process in online CSA investigation. Additionally, our analysis of the meeting observations and interviews with both strategic management and participants directly involved in online CSA investigation led us to the identify three main themes of challenges in the investigative process. These are “Assessing the magnitude of online CSA cases”, “Fear of contamination” and “Organizational compartmentalization”.

4.1 Concept map of online CSA investigations in Sweden

The nature of online CSA offences can be highly varied. This section describes a general process model of online CSA investigations in Sweden and is based on the models drawn by participants in the two focus groups (n=3 and n=4). The model below illustrates the workflow of a standard case process. The actors are marked with bold type while the processes are presented in boxes.

Figure 1

Typically, a case is reported in one of three ways: through the non-governmental organization National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC); an individual, such as a concerned parent, files a report; or it is discovered through another ongoing case.

The case is then assessed by the lead investigator working in the unit. Here, the order of priority is decided, and the case is assigned to an investigator. Based on the seriousness of the suspected crime, the lead investigator also decides whether the police can lead the investigation or whether a prosecutor will do so.

The investigator proceeds to investigate, based on the initial reports of the crime. One important but mentally taxing task is to examine the material. This can be documented abuse of a child or chat conversations between a child and the suspect. Here, the investigator determines whether a crime is committed, and if so, the seriousness of it. They then proceed to the possible identification of the victim(s) and perpetrator(s).

Depending on the findings at this initial stage, the investigator can recommend that a suspect is apprehended, that the computer and/or phone are taken for analysis, or that victim interviews and interrogations are held. Technical information may also be collected from IT companies. This is usually done by involving a centralized police function called SPOC (Single Point of Contact). These kinds of coercive measures need to be decided upon by a prosecutor or police lead investigator.

Once the material is secured, it needs to be analysed. At this stage, the investigator depends on the help of other departments and functions within the police. The main ones we identify as collaborative units are IT forensics (who e.g. break into a password-protected computer and copy all photo material), internet surveillance teams (who “patrol” the internet and social media and provide information based on open sources), other police departments (who are assigned as extra resources in large and complex cases) and internet providers (who can give information on their customers to the extent legally possible). Interviews with the victims, which require special training, and interviews with the perpetrators are also important investigative measures. Once the investigator has built a case with evidence, the case then proceeds to final serving, concluding with a decision to prosecute.

4.2 Challenges in the investigation process

We identify three main challenges in the online CSA investigation process. In Figure 1, these are shown to surface at different stages of the process. The first challenge – assessing the magnitude of online CSA crimes – concerns the initial steps. The second and third challenges – fear of contamination and organizational compartmentalization – primarily concern the investigative process and the collaboration with other units in the organization.

5.1 Implications for working with online CSA crimes

While our findings highlight a number of challenges, they also indicate a broad agreement that collaborative approaches to online CSA investigation are a prerequisite for working with these cases in a change-oriented and agile way. This also echoes a broader institutional movement within police organizations: from an institutional perspective, teamwork has been highlighted as a strong driver of change and innovation, where traditional “compartmentalized” approaches to investigation are substituted for knowledge- and problem-based policing that builds on evaluation, fostering learning climates, and adopting innovation and knowledge (Andersson Arntén, 2013; Kihlberg & Rantatalo, 2022). In this light, the barriers to collaboration we identified on the local level of online CSA investigation can be concluded to be at odds with overall ambitions to become more problem-oriented and proactive on an organizational level, focusing on the root problems of this particular crime type rather than on reactive investigation and organizational issues (Weisburd et al., 2010). A key theme in the implementation of changes within online CSA investigation is thus to address why there seem to be prevailing obstacles to collaboration within this context.

The challenge concerning established structures and online CSA investigations also concerns how crimes are prioritized within the police. The police operate on a principle of prioritization where the more serious the crime, the more resources and urgency is attributed to investigations. However, some online CSA investigations, as shown, tend to grow exponentially after initial measures, meaning that the priority level changes as the investigation progresses. The seriousness of the crime is unknown from the outset – which complicates resource allocation, predictability, planning, and work with other cases. The definition of “seriousness” also seems to have a judgemental component. It is not decided based on resulting years in prison or clear-cut legal boundaries; in prioritizing cases, lead investigators must consider a range of aspects, such as the risk of repeat offences, access to children, and so on. A widespread feeling that child sexual exploitation in itself is particularly serious and ruthless probably affects the working priorities for investigators and the police as a whole.

Finally, a recurring theme emerging from discussions with the participants is the reluctance within the police organization at large to engage in investigations of online CSA crimes, and how abstaining from them seems to be widely accepted. In our findings, we categorize these narratives into two distinct aspects: “fear of contamination” and “organizational compartmentalization”. However, these findings could also be interpreted as an implication of online CSA work being stigmatized in the police organization. The problems with being a stigmatized or “dirty” worker has been described as affecting various aspects of an individual’s well-being, from psychological and emotional health to social relationships and job satisfaction (Ashforth & Kreiner, 1999; Ruebottom & Toubiana, 2020). Further, previous research has established that investigating cases of child sexual abuse is challenging and involves exposure to potentially traumatic material or information (Henry & Powell, 2018), something that impacts investigators’ well-being and increasing work-related stress (Huey & Kalyal, 2017).

In this article, we show that stigma acts as a barrier to collaboration within the organization. Our findings thus contribute to the literature on dirty work by revealing how engagement in tasks surrounded by an occupational stigma can influence social interactions within the organization, thereby negatively affecting the potential for effective collaboration across functions and units. Organizational stigma and isolation is a relatively unexplored area, and in the context of online CSA investigation it is essential to examine this issue more thoroughly. This article is a start for making this phenomenon more visible, which is the first step in mitigating its effects. As our analysis of the audit reports shows that online CSA units have difficulties with recruiting and high turnover rates, aligning with Zhang et al.’s (2021) findings on how stigma impacts organizations, exploring this stigma more deeply could thus improve retention and recruitment of investigators.

As mentioned, a dominant stream of previous research has voiced concern about the well-being of these investigators. It has hitherto been assumed that exposure to disturbing material and vulnerable and innocent victims are causing adverse mental health effects. However, based on our findings, we would also suggest that the impact of organizational stigma might be a contributing factor to the well-being of these investigators. We know that stigmatization causes individuals to feel different, isolated, and misperceived by others, leading to general avoidance (Huey & Kalyal, 2017). Even if someone finds investigative work intriguing and important, the investigators and other important instances such as IT forensics must deal with the distancing of others (Wilson-Kovacs et al., 2022). Considering the broad agreement today that being valued, seen, and heard at work contributes to employee well-being in a range of contexts, we can also establish that the absence of these factors can lead to various negative outcomes. This all points to the need for increased attention to and management of the stigmatization connected to online CSA investigation.

5.2 Limitations and suggestions for further research

While this study is explorative and aims to provide insights into the organization and challenges of online CSA investigations within the Swedish police, it is important to recognize the limitations inherent in a qualitative study with a small sample. The insights from our participants offer a snapshot of the current situation, but may not represent the broader experiences of all investigators working on online CSA cases, both in the rest of Sweden and internationally. Further research is needed to examine how these findings translate to other contexts and to identify potential variations in investigative practices and challenges. Further studies with larger sample sizes and more diverse participant pools could offer a more comprehensive understanding of the issues faced by investigators across different regions and jurisdictions.

Future research could also explore longitudinal designs to understand how the evolving technological landscape affects the dynamics of online CSA investigations over time. Given the rapidly changing nature of CSA methods and technology (Europol, 2021; Sunde & Sunde, 2022), it would be valuable to track how investigative strategies are adapted to these developments and whether the same challenges persist or change over time. Another area for further research involves investigating how the stigma surrounding CSA investigations manifests and impacts investigators. Additionally, exploring the underlying reasons for the reluctance to engage in online CSA investigations and the factors contributing to the acceptance of abstaining from such work would be beneficial.

Lastly, the identified challenges related to organizational compartmentalization suggest a need for studies focusing on cross-functional collaboration within police organizations. Understanding how bureaucratic structures can be reimagined to promote better integration and teamwork across investigative units could lead to a more efficient and effective handling of complex online CSA cases. Interventions where models of cross-functional teamwork are evaluated would be a particularly promising future direction for research. Addressing these issues can lead to a more effective and supportive environment for investigators, ultimately contributing to more successful outcomes in combating online CSA crimes.