1. Introduction

The objective of this article is to examine the current work environment regulation applicable to online platform workers in the three Scandinavian countries: Denmark, Sweden and Norway. A safe and healthy work environment is important, both for the individual and also for society, and regulation of this work environment is a key component in protecting workers.

For the purposes of this article, the term ‘work environment’ is understood as referring to the physical, psychosocial, relationship and organisational elements that both impact on and also comprise the environment of those individuals conducting the online work. The term is used here in a wide sense, with references both to health and safety at work, as well as to rests and breaks. However, the article’s scope does not extend to discussing issues concerning unfair or improper discrimination.

The volume of academic literature on online platform workers’ work environment from a Scandinavian legal perspective remains slight. However, in the literature on platform work and occupational health and safety, there is consensus that platform work comes with significant implications for both physical and psychological health and safety. This article therefore aims to assist in augmenting this aspect of legal literature, by studying the level of legal protection for online platform work through a comparative perspective, thereby contributing to a broader understanding of work environment responsibility and legislation in relation to such work.

Denmark, Sweden and Norway are singled out for comparison due to similarities in their employment rates, early acknowledgement by employers of the value of trade unions, and extensive public welfare systems. It must be emphasised from the start that with the economic safety net which these public welfare systems provide, online platform work is arguably most probably not a strict necessity, but instead functions as a provider of supplementary income. The statistics given below support this claim.

Before progressing to a detailed review of regulation, it is important first to clarify the meaning of the term ‘online platform work’ and to consider the distinctions between the two main types of such work. Online platform work is a new form of work, primarily introduced and subsequently growing in the Nordic countries over the last decade. The Nordic report ‘Platform Work in The Nordic Models’ outlined surveys from 2017 and 2018, both of which showed that between 0.3 to 2.5% of the working age population in the Nordic countries had worked via a platform during the previous year. Contrary to the traditional, linear working relationship between employer and employee, online platform work is defined by a triangular working relationship between an online platform, an online platform worker, and a purchaser of the services.

Online platform work can typically be divided into two categories, depending on the nature of the work: gig work and crowd work. Gig work is characterised by the absence of a fixed workplace, with the online platform presenting the orders. This model includes, for example, online platforms operating in the Nordic countries, such as Uber, Just Eat, Wolt, Hungry.dk, Foodora, Hilfr and Happy Helper. By contrast, crowd work is undertaken either in an office or at home. This model includes, for example, online platforms such as Upwork, Worksome and LegalHero.

Although these two approaches co-exist, this article concentrates solely on gig work, as this category has been subject to legal proceedings before both the Danish and Swedish courts, as well as before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Additionally, a greater number of online platforms have been identified as offering offline local work without specialised labour requirements (gig work), than online platforms offering crowd work. A similar picture also emerges at the European level.

Turning now to the legal perspective, there are two relevant distinctions to be made in relation to online platforms. One distinction is whether online platforms are an intermediation service or are instead companies with employer responsibility. The other distinction relates to whether a company has employer responsibility and, correspondingly, whether the affiliated online platform workers of such a company perform work as employees or instead as self-employed individuals, in relation to the online platform.

This distinction between intermediation services and service companies with employer responsibility is relevant because the Scandinavian working environment laws only apply to companies with employer responsibility, and not to intermediation services in the relationship between the mediator and the person being mediated, a point considered further below in reviewing the scope of relevant law. This limitation on the application of the working environment laws poses a legal challenge, since the majority of online platforms do not consider themselves to be employers. Instead, they categorise themselves as intermediators between, for example, two private persons or between private persons and companies. Consequently, the lion’s share of online platform workers work as self-employed for the platform, a situation which has given rise to a discussion about the legal status of online platform workers. This stems from the fact that the structure of some types of gig work – for example courier and delivery services, as well as cleaning services – is reminiscent of traditional employee work, thus prompting questions about the factual legal propriety of their being categorised as lying outside the employer-employee framework.

We turn next to an exploration of the work environment law responsibility of online platforms in relation to platform workers, in light of the latter’s legal position as either employees or self-employed. In order to do this, we first examine the Nordic work environment Acts, in order to map the current degree of protection they provide for online platform workers. A comparison is also made between the country reports for the legislation in Norway, Sweden and Denmark. Thereafter, we turn to analysing Nordic case law on online platform work. Finally, the article concludes both by summing up the current legal situation for work environment and online platform work in the three countries concerned and also by making some proposals on how to improve platform workers’ legal protections.

2. The Scandinavian Work Environment Acts

Comparable developments in the labour market across all the three Scandinavian countries in the 1960s and 1970s led to a demand for new and broader work environment legislation. Firstly, new technology, rationalisation and piecework led to more one-sided, repetitive work and increased ‘wear and tear’. Secondly, this development coincided with the upheaval in society called the ‘youth uprising’, which shed light on the many disturbing aspects of the darker side of society in the form of attrition, mental work illnesses and an increasing accident rate. The emergence of these parallel developments across the three countries thus led to similar new requirements regarding work environment regulations. The Scandinavian work environment Acts currently in place stem from this 1970s period (Denmark 1975, Norway and Sweden both 1977).

The legislative progress made during this period resulted in legal provisions pursuant to which employers can be held accountable for not ensuring health and safety measures at their workplaces. Furthermore, this period saw the establishment of a certain degree of representative democracy, with the introduction of protective safety representatives from both employers and the workforce. All the regulations were thus created through a process of collaboration with and between the labour market partners. In fact, employee involvement has been a consistent feature in the development of work environment legislation.

The similarity between the Scandinavian countries also stretches to the wording in the regulations, which, in all three of the countries reviewed here, features overlaps between coverage of the physical and the mental work environment. Furthermore, all three countries’ regulations explicitly state that social and technical development in society must be taken into consideration.

2.1 Scope of the Scandinavian Work Environment Acts

We turn next to another important area of comparability: the scope of the Scandinavian work environment regulations. Here we examine the three countries’ regulations with regard to the distinction between employee and non-employee.

The primary scope of application for all three Scandinavian work environment Acts is the work performed by an employee for an employer.Here, however, the approach diverges: Norwegian law defines employer and employees, in contrast to the Danish and Swedish laws, which both lack such definitions.

Despite these differences, employees are covered by the countries’ work environment Acts. As the majority of platform workers are categorised as self-employed, an initial distinction can then be drawn between: 1) whether the self-employed are themselves responsible for complying with the work environment Acts; and 2) whether work performed, if not for an employer but instead for other parties, is covered by the Acts.

Considering these two points further, firstly, in both the Swedish and Norwegian legislation, the self-employed are not themselves obliged to comply with health and safety regulations. Under Danish law, the self-employed are only partially responsible for complying with the law concerning their own work. Secondly, all of the Acts contain exceptions, whereby their scope of application covers work performed not only for an employer but also for other parties.

The Danish Work Environment Act only applies in part where the work is being conducted, not for an employer, but instead for other parties. An example of this limitation is that the self-employed do not have to follow the rules addressing rest and breaks. However, the self-employed are still required to plan, organise and execute work in a manner that ensures health and safety.

The Swedish Work Environment Act applies with modifications to work other than for an employer. This has the effect, for example, of the self-employed not needing to follow rules aimed at preventing harmful working positions and harmful work movements. However, under both Swedish and Danish law, self-employed persons without any employees must still follow the rules on technical devices and risks from hazardous substances. In Sweden, both the Working Environment Act chapter 2 § 1 and also the Working Hours Act regulate rest and breaks. However, the Working Hours Act has a narrow focus: it applies to any activity where employees perform work on behalf of an employer, but it does not cover the self-employed.

In Norway, by comparison, the Norwegian Work Environment Act embraces a wider scope of themes than the Danish and Swedish Acts. In particular, the Norwegian Act includes protections against dismissal and against discrimination. However, as noted above, a review of these areas falls outside the ambit of this article.

With regard to coverage for the employed versus the self-employed, the Norwegian Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs has authority to issue regulations stating that the rules of the Work Environment Act shall apply either in whole or in part to businesses that do not employ employees. This enables the Ministry to lay down regulations that extend the scope of the Work Environment Act to, among other things, self-employed professionals without employees.

The Norwegian Labour Inspectorate (Arbeidstilsynet) has stated that self-employed professionals who do not employ workers have limited obligations to implement work environment provisions. One of these limited obligations concerns, for example, companies whose workers handle asbestos and asbestos-containing material during their working lives. Another example of this are companies that perform work under water or in a pressurized atmosphere. Also included in this category is work with biological elements and chemicals. This latter regulation on chemicals also applies to the self-employed under the Danish regulation.

On the other hand, the Norwegian legislation imposes no requirements concerning systematic risk assessment, routines, prevention, planning, etc. on platforms which are without employer liability. Therefore, the individuals themselves must act appropriately and responsibly to organise their work, taking into account health and safety.

A common ground in the Scandinavian Work Environment Acts is therefore that they either do not apply, or only apply partially, to self-employed persons. The categorisation of legal status – i.e. employee or self-employed – is therefore of significant importance for the level of work environment protection. In this regard, when assessing the status of an employee versus a self-employed person, the Nordic countries share a similar path. These criteria lean toward EU law and the derived EU case law.

In case law from the CJEU, the essential feature of an employment relationship under Article 45 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) is that a person performs services for and under the direction of another person for a certain period, in return for which s/he receives remuneration. The activities performed must be effective and genuine.

A new proposal for a Directive on improving working conditions in platform work was issued on 9 December 2021 by the European Commission. This proposal addresses the issue of legal status with a requirement for ‘Member States to have in place appropriate procedures to verify and ensure the correct determination of the employment status of persons performing platform work’ (Article 3). Furthermore it states:

The provision also clarifies that the correct determination of the employment status should be based on the principle of the primacy of facts, i.e. guided primarily by the facts relating to the actual performance of work and the remuneration, taking into account the use of algorithms in platform work, and not by how the relationship is defined in the contract. Where an employment relationship exists, the procedures in place should also clearly identify who is to assume the obligations of the employer.

The explanatory memorandum to the proposal addresses health and safety at work as part of the protection granted by the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFREU). Article 7 covers human monitoring of automated systems and stipulates that ‘Member States shall ensure that digital labour platforms regularly monitor and evaluate the impact of individual decisions taken or supported by automated monitoring and decision-making systems, as referred to in Article 6(1), on working conditions’. Moreover, it states:

without prejudice to Council Directive 89/391/EEC and related directives in the field of safety and health at work, digital labour platforms shall: (a) evaluate the risks of automated monitoring and decision-making systems to the safety and health of platform workers, in particular as regards possible risks of work-related accidents, psychosocial and ergonomic risks; (b) assess whether the safeguards of those systems are appropriate for the risks identified in view of the specific characteristics of the work environment; (c) introduce appropriate preventive and protective measures.

The new proposal thus offers rights in addition to the Working Environment Directive 89/391/EEC, which is already implemented in the national legislation of the Scandinavian countries. While not broadening the personal scope of the countries’ work environment laws, the proposal nonetheless expands the health and safety protections for platform workers in its Article 7. However, the scope of protection remains unclear and potentially limited to minimum rights, and a further investigation into the Scandinavian national legislation on work environment remains relevant.

With regard to the scope of that legislation, the question is still whether online platform workers are conducting work for an employer and are thereby fully covered by the Work Environment Act in question, or whether they are instead self-employed and therefore only partly covered, or are simply not covered at all. Both government reports and case law have contributed to shedding light on this legal dispute, the details of which are analysed in the following sections.

3. Government Reports on Online Platform Work

Norway, Sweden and Denmark have each produced official reports on the sharing economy. Both the Swedish and Norwegian reports examine online platform work concerning safe and health at work.

Looking more closely at Norway, two Norwegian government reports have addressed online platform work. In the earlier Norwegian report (NOU 2017:4), it is stated that the Norwegian Work Environment Act was sufficient to cover online platform workers. The authors of the report split into a majority and two minorities. In the assessment of whether the concept of worker needed to be expanded, the majority argued that the prevalence of the sharing economy is relatively modest at present, and that there is a great variation in the conditions which apply to actors associated with a digital platform. As a result, doubt about legal status was not in itself an argument for changing the boundaries of the Work Environment Act between employee and self-employed. The majority argued that, over time, ambiguities will be clarified through individual cases in the courts. Thus, the majority did not find a need to protect online platform workers, justifying this by equating their rights with those of employees. Nor did they feel that there was there a need to establish a new category of workers with an association to a distinct set of rules.

Among the authors of this Norwegian report, the first minority group pointed to the potential growth of the sharing economy, which could include more workers than exist today. They stated that for this reason it was important to be at the forefront of clarifying the framework conditions for the actors in the sharing economy. Putting it in concrete terms, the minority group proposed that a legal committee should be set up to review the conceptual framework of the Work Environment Act. The second minority requested the splitting out of a new category of workers as part of an assessment of the conceptual framework of the Work Environment Act.

The current legal situation is in line with the view of the majority in the 2017 report and thus a new category of workers has not been created, nor have any changes been made to the legal framework. However, moving ahead to the 2021 report (NOU 2021:9), the majority this time suggested a change to the wording of the law. The consequence of the change would be that, in situations where employee status is unclear, the conclusion would be that employee status applied. The majority specifically stated that this change could lead to more people gaining employee status within the platform economy.

The minority group of the authors of this 2021 report argued instead for preservation of the current legislation, leaving it to the courts to interpret the concept of employee status in line with developments in working life. This minority also assessed platform work separately. They referred to the NOU 2017:4 report’s statement and supported their argument by stating that the prevalence of platform work is limited and that the group associated with platform work is in no way uniform. As a result, it is not possible to find a simple definition that captures the range of people being targeted. The minority group concluded that the concept of worker is elastic and dynamic and that the law would therefore be able to adapt to developments.

These two reports demonstrate a shift in dynamics and illustrate how quickly views on platform economics can change. The majority of the 2017 report has become the minority of the 2021 report – and vice versa. It is uncertain if this shift is caused by the passing of time or is due to different persons conducting the 2017 and 2021 reports. The NOU 2021:9 was put out for public consultation, with a deadline of 1 November 2021. Thus, no changes have yet been made to the Norwegian Working Environment Act.

In the Swedish report (SOU 2017:24), the authors state that under the work environment regulations in their current form, it is unclear whether any responsibility can be imposed on the platform companies. However, it is important to consider here whether digital platforms perform the same type of work tasks as are performed in more traditionally organised work. In the latter case, it may be clear as to what applies with regard to the liability provisions. Work performed via digital platforms is characterised by a difficulty in distinguishing whether the person who performs the work is a private person or a professional, and indeed whether they are partially an employee or a contractor.

The report goes on to state that, according to the inquiry on legal status, a crucial question is one of the degree of control the platform companies have over the organisation of work and working conditions. The report also argues that the extent of the platform companies’ control varies greatly. Situations may potentially arise where the platform companies have such a high degree of control that it may in principle be considered the platform that is responsible for the performance of the service. In these types of situations, the report states that there may be reason to consider whether the platform companies should have some form of work environment responsibility for the people who perform the work.

The Danish government established a council which prepared an initial report on platform work in Denmark in 2018, then completed a follow-up report in 2019. Neither of these reports address the challenges around the legal status of platform workers. The first report merely states that platform work exists in the ‘grey’ area between the status as an employee and the status as self-employed. Neither of the reports deal with platform work in relation to the working environment.

In early September 2021, the Danish government released a proposal that sets out ten improvement strategies for Denmark over a ten-year perspective. One of these strategies concerns the labour market and, in this context, the proposal mentions that the government wants to introduce a so-called ‘presumption’ rule. The proposal does not address online platform workers directly, but the approach instead entails that unless it can be demonstrated that the individual performing work is actually self-employed, a presumption exists that the person is an employee. The proposal further states that investigations must be conducted into how such a rule can be designed and implemented through legislation.

As elaborated in the following section of this article, recent Danish case law indicates that Denmark arguably gravitates towards the Swedish perspective, where the degree of control from the online platform will have an impact on the legal status of the platform worker. However, the latest Danish government report from 2021 instead leans towards the Norwegian approach, with the introduction of a presumption rule.

The current Scandinavian tendency is therefore to take an approach where the existing or default legal framework is considered adequate, in the absence of a dedicated policy framework for online platform work. The same tendency can be seen among other European countries, where very few national legislators have tackled the area of working conditions for platform workers.

4. Scandinavian Case Law on Online Platform Work

The volume of Scandinavian case law relating to online platform work is still small. Only Sweden has case law specifically relating to online platform work and the work environment. The case law from Denmark regarding online platform work is in the field of competition law, although it does focus on the legal definition of workers versus the self-employed. There is no case law from Norway regarding online platform work, but in this area a recent case on the working environment is interesting. We now turn to looking at some specific case law from the three countries.

4.1 Swedish Case on Cool Company

In a recent case from 2019 in the Swedish Court of Appeal (Kämmerrätten), the issue of work environment responsibility for platform workers (self-employed) was addressed by a Swedish court for the first time. Cool Company is an online platform offering administrative services to the self-employed. They ensure that the salary arrives in the platform worker’s account after the invoice has been sent and the customer has paid.

In 2016, the Swedish Work Environment Authority inspected a building where a self-employed construction worker was working on a roof. The inspection found that there was no protection against falling and that the fall height was two metres or more. The Swedish Work Environment Authority claimed that due to this failure to protect the worker, Cool Company was required to pay a fine of SEK 400,000, with the size of fine being calculated based on the total number of the company’s workers. Cool Company resisted payment of any such penalty fine.

In the administrative court (Förvaltningsrätten i Stockholm), Cool Company stated it considered itself to have been the employer but was of the opinion that the company could not be considered liable for the working environment at the workplace in question.

Cool Company stated that they helped with administration and invoicing but did not have any contact with the end customer. Therefore, they argued, the party who hired the roof worker was responsible for the working environment and was also responsible for the roof worker using the right health and safety protections.

The administrative court found that in relation to the roof worker, Cool Company was an employer. However, the court held that since Cool Company had no agreement with the roof worker’s customer, this meant that Cool Company did not manage the site where workers were working on a roof without fall-protection equipment, and therefore Cool Company could not control the working environment in that workplace. As a result, the administrative court held that Cool Company did not have responsibility under the working environment law.

The Swedish Work Environment Authority appealed the case to the Court of Appeal, which pointed out that, in order for the work to be considered as being performed on behalf of Cool Company, it was necessary for the latter to have entered into an assignment agreement with the roof worker’s customer before the work began. However, at the time of the Swedish Work Environment Authority’s inspection, Cool Company was not party to any contract with that customer. The court stated that the fact that Cool Company subsequently invoiced the work, paid salaries and made certain that other social commitments were fulfilled in relation to the roof worker was of no significance in this context. In addition, and contrary to the administrative court’s ruling, the Court of Appeal concluded that Cool Company was not an employer and therefore could not be charged a penalty fee. The Swedish Work Environment Authority submitted an appeal to the Supreme Administrative Court but this was rejected in January 2021, and as a result the 2018 judgment stands.

This Swedish case sheds light upon online platform work and the challenges posed by the work environment. The administrative court ruling demonstrates that regardless of Cool Company’s legal status as employer, it is not sufficient to establish a work environment responsibility per se. Additionally, there must also be some kind of management of the work site. This view goes against tradition, where work environment law only needs the categorisation as employer or of a certain kind of subordination link to apply in order to activate the status of employer and thus benefit from the legal protections ensuing from that status. Overall, the case to date demonstrates an unclear work environment responsibility, even when protection is needed.

The particular characteristics of online platform work mean that there is an amplified need for protection; the work is not necessarily situated in the same physical workplace as that of the end customer, and platform workers are often alone, having contact with both the platform company and the end customer through an app or software. From a work environment law perspective, this complicates the ability to take care of and contribute to a healthy and safe work environment. It is thus questionable whether the current legal framework is sufficient to ensure acceptable protection against occupational health and safety risks.

4.2 Danish Case Law on Cleaning Service Platforms

In Denmark, the Danish Competition and Consumer Authority has addressed two cases in 2020 regarding online platform work. These two cases concerned the cleaning platforms Hilfr and Happy Helper and their use of minimum prices on their digital platforms. In both cases, the Danish Competition Authority had conducted unannounced inspections at the companies on the basis of competition concerns about potential illegal coordinated practices. It should be noted that there is a prohibition on coordinated practices restricting competition between competing companies; see section 6 of the Competition Act and Article 101 TFEU.

If we look first at the Hilfr case, this examined whether the cleaners were employees or self-employed. As was outlined in the case, Hilfr has a business model where cleaning workers start out as freelancers. After 100 hours of work via the Hilfr platform, the cleaning workers can choose whether they want to continue as freelancers, or instead become employees (when they become so-called ‘Super Hilfrs’) and are then covered by a collective agreement with 3F.

The Danish Competition Council assessed that none of the categories of cleaners were employees in the sense of competition law, despite having employment contracts with Hilfr. Key arguments in the case were the lack of management, supervision, and sanctioning powers of Hilfr. Furthermore, the Competition Council placed emphasis on flexible working hours and the burden of the economic risks for the online platform workers as characteristic for their being self-employed.

In the Happy Helper case, on the other hand, the business model was only for freelance workers. Here, the Danish Competition Council’s assessment was that helpers on the platform were not workers in the sense of competition law.

The cases are interesting for several reasons. First, the concept of employee in the competition law and in the labour law have certain overlaps. In the Hilfr case, the Danish Competition Council considered the entire group of Super Hilfrs to be self-employed. However, a concrete assessment of individual Super Hilfrs could have a different legal outcome, where some of them could be considered as workers from a labour law perspective. If competition authorities have taken the view that specific persons perform self-employed work, the labour law bodies will then probably not consider them to be covered by a collective agreement. Thus, there is potential for legal challenges between competition law and labour law when entire groups are categorised instead of specific concrete assessments.

However, in the Hilfr case, Hilfr has committed to tightening the power of instruction and taking over the financial risk, which is why Super Hilfrs can retain their employment status. The competition law cases can thus give an indication of the legal status of online platform workers, but to obtain a final determination of the concept in a labour law context, it needs to be tested in specific cases before the courts within such a labour law perspective.

Second, these cases demonstrate that regardless of whether the cleaning workers are employed or self-employed, they face the same work environment risks. This calls for attention when drafting future occupational health and safety regulation.

4.3 Norwegian Case Law on Aleris

In the Aleris case, twenty-four plaintiffs worked as care workers in a housing facility for people with substance abuse problems/mental illness. They worked in shifts as self-employed workers. Due to the regulation’s lack of coverage of self-employed workers’ working hours, they worked long shifts. The main question in the case was whether the plaintiffs were regarded as employees, with protections under the Working Environment Act and with the right to e.g. sickness benefits, pension earnings, job security etc., or whether they were instead self-employed.

Oslo District Court (Oslo Tingrett) initially stated that most of the protection rules in the Work Environment Act only apply to employees, not to consultants and the self-employed. The basic function of the concept of employee is to designate who should have protection. The court ruling stated that the concept of employee is still blurred, and the borders are unclear; see Chapter 8 in the Work Environment Act. For care workers, the classification can be questionable, and the conclusion can vary, even between similar types of work. Thus, the overall assessment may be different for individual cases.

The court then conducted individual assessments for all of the plaintiffs. The court placed particular emphasis on the issue of whether the individuals saw themselves as employees or as self-employed. In some of the individual assessments, the plaintiffs did not want to be employees, but merely self-employed. In these cases, the court considered whether the plaintiff had adequately reflected on, and was free to choose and was informed about, the consequences of being self-employed. In some of the individual assessments the court accepted the choice of being self-employed, whereas in others they decided that the protection considerations were strong, which could indicate that even persons who did not themselves want the protection were nonetheless considered employees.

The tipping point to be categorised as self-employed was found to be where the self-employed person had made the decision on a free, well-considered and well-informed basis. Furthermore, the Court emphasised that individuals in the self-employed category had knowledge of the lack of protection in terms of working environment. The court ultimately upheld the claims of only eleven of the twenty-four plaintiffs to be considered employees rather than self-employed.

Twenty-two of the plaintiffs appealed to the Borgarting Court of Appeal (Borgarting Lagmannsrett). In June 2021, the Borgarting Court of Appeal delivered their judgment in the appeal case, upholding the plaintiffs’ claims in their entirety. However, the Court of Appeal used a different reasoning than the District Court.

First, the Court of Appeal stated that the classification of employee status rests on an overall assessment. Moreover, they placed great emphasis on seven criteria that would be determinative of an employee relationship: 1) personal service; 2) subordination; 3) the employer provides work facilities, tools etc; 4) employer’s commercial risks; 5) remuneration in some form of salary; 6) stable relationship of the parties involved; and 7) the degree of independence (work for only one client).

Although stating that the list is not exhaustive, the Court of Appeal highlighted personal service and subordination (the employer’s management and control) as the two most important criteria. When examining both of these criteria, the Court held that the circumstances in the case suggested that there was an employee relationship. Furthermore, the Court found that the employers had essentially provided premises and other things that are necessary to carry out the work tasks. The Court majority considered that this pointed in the direction of employee status.

The Court of Appeal also addressed the District Court ruling and its focus on the plaintiffs who had themselves expressed the need and desire to be self-employed. This view was not upheld by the Court of Appeal and was addressed as running counter to the consideration of equal assessment of identical job categories – as exemplified by two plaintiffs conducting completely identical work but being classified differently.

This part of the Court of Appeal’s judgment entailed a subtle critique of the weight of discretionary assessment in the District Court. Following individual assessments of each plaintiff’s circumstances, the Court of Appeal upheld all of the plaintiffs’ claims in their entirety.

In December 2021, the Supreme Court rejected the employer’s appeal and the ruling by the Court of Appeal is therefore final.

The rulings by both the District Court and Court of Appeal are interesting for several reasons. First, despite the statutory definition of a worker in Norwegian law, the cases show that the determination of the concept of worker is still complicated and that a number of factors are included in a specific assessment. Second, the District Court case demonstrates that individuals within a group who are conducting similar work are not necessarily all in the same labour category. Eleven out of twenty-four were categorised as employees, whereas the rest were self-employed, showing the significance of an individual assessment. It also emphasises the argument made above in relation to Danish case law, where a group of cleaning workers were categorised as a whole. The District Court case could give rise to a questioning of this form of group categorisation. Even though the Court of Appeal concluded that all of the plaintiffs were employees, it still conducted individualised assessments, which potentially could lead to different outcomes.

If we compare the Norwegian government report and the Aleris case, the former stated that the Norwegian Work Environment Act was equipped to handle online platform work. The Aleris case poses questions about this assertion. The case emphasises that the distinction between self-employed and employee is an ongoing legal conundrum, with significant impact on work environment rights and protections.

5. Closing Remarks

The foregoing review of government reports from Norway and Sweden illustrates an attempt to link work environment and platform work. These reports go back to 2017, and the development in case law since then could indicate that there is potential for more legal problems than first anticipated. The recent Norwegian 2021 report and the Danish government proposal, again from 2021, both argue for a regulation where cases of doubt lead to employee status – a so-called presumption rule. This is the most extensive proposal among the Nordic countries to date. The presumption rule could lead to a stagnation of movement from the employee category to the self-employed category and thus keep workers in the labour law system, but the presumption rule does not prevent individuals from establishing a business and starting platform work. Thus, it will be interesting to see if the rule will then imply a burden of proof on the online platforms, or instead on the platform workers themselves, to prove whether the workers are employed or self-employed. The reverse outcome of the presumption rule could thus be if it survives only as part of an evidentiary consideration in the legal system. The preparatory work must therefore be very clear in order for the presumption rule to flourish in practice.

The Danish case law illustrates that a predetermination of legal status is not a certainty, thus jeopardizing the worker’s right to work environment protections when the categorisation is incorrect. If the employees on the cleaning platform are in fact self-employed, they are granted a narrower set of work environment rights.

Norwegian case law shows that in the legal categorisation, the concrete assessment of individual status is of importance. Thus, it was possible for there to be variations within a group of workers conducting similar work. Such an assessment could have been relevant in the Danish case law on cleaning workers.

In both the Swedish and Danish case law, the tendency is to lean towards accepting online platform workers as being self-employed. This points to narrow work environment protections. All of the Nordic legislation includes provisions for work that is not performed on behalf of an employer. However, legal protections are only partially provided to these categories of workers.

To sum up, this article demonstrates that the uncertain legal status of online platform workers has a legal impact on work environment rights for online platform workers. The similarities between the three pieces of legislation, as well as the coherence with EU law, could in theory lead to a resemblance across Nordic case law in the treatment of online platform work and work environment. However, the case law in this article shows different legal outcomes between the countries, leading to alterations in praxis.

Thus, there is no national legal instrument directed solely at online platform work and the related work environment. In certain scenarios, however, case law shows a need for work environment protections. Online platform work in some cases involves risks for workers, but with such workers lacking the protections available to employees. In these cases, it is uncertain whether the current Nordic laws on work environment are equipped to handle online platform work if relying solely on existing or default legislation. The new proposal for a Directive on improving working conditions in platform work from the European Commission is designed to tackle this need for respect for health and safety in platform work and is therefore the most focused legal instrument to date. It is still uncertain how this proposal will interact with the proposed presumption rule from the Danish and Norwegian governments.

Due to the particular work environment risks that platform workers may face in comparison to the traditional labour market, a further improvement in the provision of health and safety protections for platform workers could include a special focus from national labour inspectorates. National labour inspectorates can play an important role in supervising and communicating as well as in providing guidance for platform workers and in developing protections relating to such workers’ work environments.

Acknowledgment

The Postdoctoral Research Fellowship is funded by The Danish Working Environment Research Fund.

  • 1
    See eg Martine Stagelund Hvidt, ‘Arbejdsmiljørisici for online platformsarbejdere i et juridisk perspektiv’ (2021) 1 Tidsskrift for Miljø 3; Mette Lykke Nielsen, Cæcilie Sloth Laursen, Johnny Dyreborg and Louise Yung Nielsen, Risici og arbejdsmiljø blandt unge på de nye digitale arbejdsmarkeder – et kollaborativt udviklingsprojekt (RADAR-projektet) (Det Nationale Forskningscenter for Arbejdsmiljø og Aalborg Universitet 2021); Kristin Jesnes, Beate Slettvold Øistad, Kristin Alsos and Torstein Nesheim, ‘Aktører og arbeid i delingsøkonomien: Delrapport’ (Fafo-notat 2016:23, Fafo 2016) <https://www.fafo.no/images/pub/2016/10247.pdf>; Marianne Jenum Hotvedt, ‘Arbeidsgiveransvar i formidlingsøkonomien? Tilfellet Uber’ (2016) 55(8) Lov og Rett 484 <https://doi.org/10.18261/issn.1504-3061-2016-08-03>; Marianne Jenum Hotvedt and others, The future of Nordic labour law: Facing the challenges of changing labour relations (Nordic Council of Ministers 2020) <https://doi.org/10.6027/temanord2020-534>.
  • 2
    Digital platform work and occupational safety and health: a policy brief (European Agency for Health and Safety at Work 2021); Zachary Kilhoffer and others, Study to gather evidence on the working conditions of platform workers (European Commission 2020) <https://doi.org/10.2767/26582>; Pierre Bérastégui, Exposure to psychosocial risk factors in the gig economy: a systematic review (European Trade Union Institute 2021).
  • 3
    Kjell Nilsson and Johanna Carolina Jokinen, ‘Introduction’ in Julien Grunfelder and others (eds), State of the Nordic Region 2020 (Nordic Council of Ministers 2020) <https://doi.org/10.6027/NO2020-001>, Norges offentlige utredninger, Delingsøkonomien – muligheter og utfordringer (NOU 2017:4); Ole Henning Sørensen and others, ‘Nordiske forskningsperspektiver på arbejdsmiljø: Mening, indflydelse og samarbejde’ (TemaNord 2012:525, Nordic Council of Ministers 2012) 1 <https://doi.org/10.6027/TN2012-525>.
  • 4
    Anna Ilsøe and Louise Weber Madsen, ‘Digitalisering af arbejdsmarkedet: Danskernes erfaring med digital automatisering og digitale platforme’ (Forskningscenter for arbejdsmarkeds- og Organisationsstudier (FAOS), University of Copenhagen 2017) research note 157, 41.
  • 5
    Kristin Jesnes, ‘Introduction’ in Kristin Jesnes and Sigurd M Nordli Oppegaard (eds), Platform work in the Nordic models: Issues, cases and responses (Nordic Council of Ministers 2020) ch 1.4 <https://doi.org/10.6027/temanord2020-513>.
  • 6
    Andrei Hagiu and Julian Wright, ‘Marketplace or Reseller?’ (2015) 61(1) Management Science 184.
  • 7
    Anne Green, Maria de Hoyos, Sally-Anne Barnes, Beate Baldauf and Heike Behle, CrowdEmploy: crowdsourcing case studies. An empirical investigation into the impact of crowdsourcing on employability (European Commission Joint Research Centre, Institute for Prospective Technological Studies, JRC Technical Reports, EUR 26351, Publication Office of the European Union 2013); Valerio De Stefano, ‘The Rise of the “Just-in-Time Workforce”: On-Demand Work, Crowd Work and Labour Protection in the “Gig-Economy”’ (2015-2016) 37(3) Comparative Labor Law & Policy Journal 471; Florian Schmidt, Digital Labour Markets in the Platform Economy: Mapping the Political Challenges of Crowd Work and Gig Work (Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung 2017).
  • 8
    Stine Rasmussen and Per Kongshøj Madsen, ‘Platformsøkonomien og prekariatet’ (2017) 19(1) Tidsskrift for Arbejdsliv 46 <https://doi.org/10.7146/tfa.v19i1.109077>.
  • 9
    Willem De Groen and Ilaria Maselli, The impact of the collaborative economy on the labour market (CEPS Special Report no 138, Centre for European Policy Studies 2016).
  • 10
    Marguerita Lane, Regulating platform work in the digital age (OECD Going Digital Toolkit PolicyNote 1, OECD 2020) 8.
  • 11
    Seth Harris and Alan Krueger, A Proposal for Modernizing Labor Laws for 21st Century Work: The “Independent Worker” (The Hamilton Project, Brookings 2015).
  • 12
    Kurt Jacobsen, Velfærdens pris (Gads Forlag 2011); Kaj Frick, ‘Varför är arbetshälsan inte god?’ in Bo Johansson, Kaj Frick and Jan Johansson (eds), Framtidens arbetsmiljö- och tillsynsarbete (Studentlitteratur AB 2004) 9-26.
  • 13
    Sørensen and others (n 3) 90; Jacobsen (n 12) 188.
  • 14
    Sørensen and others (n 3) 18.
  • 15
    Ibid 90.
  • 16
    Danish Working Environment Act (LBK nr 2062 af 16/11/2021, Bekendtgørelse af lov om arbejdsmiljø (arbejdsmiljøloven)) § 1, Norwegian Working Environment Act (LOV-2021-06-11-59, Lov om arbeidsmiljø, arbeidstid og stillingsvern mv (arbeidsmiljøloven)) § 1 and Swedish Working Environment Act (Arbetsmiljölag (SFS 1977:1160) and Arbetsmiljölagen (SFS 2020:476)) chapter 2 § 1.
  • 17
    Danish Working Environment Act § 2, Norwegian Working Environment Act § 1-8(2) and Swedish Working Environment Act § 2.
  • 18
    Hotvedt and others, The future of Nordic labour law (n 1).
  • 19
    Swedish Working Environment Act chapter 1 § 2 and Norwegian Working Environment Act § 1-8 (cf chapter 3-7). See also Marianne Jenum Hotvedt, ‘Protection of platform workers in Norway: Part 2 Country report, Nordic Future of work project 2017-2020: Working paper 9. Pillar IV’ (Fafo 2020) <https://www.fafo.no/images/pub/2020/Nfow-wp9.pdf>.
  • 20
    Danish Working Environment Act § 2(3), Swedish Working Environment Act § 3 and Norwegian Working Environment Act § 1-4.
  • 21
    As stated in § 2(3), this covers §§ 38 and 39 on the execution of particularly dangerous work, work processes and methods as listed in § 39(1)(1) and (2), as well as § 41 on dangerous work and § 41a, on professional qualifications gained abroad.
  • 22
    See § 38 and case U.2021.4765, where the personal scope of § 38 was extended to a private person who felled a tree in his own garden.
  • 23
    Danish Working Environment Act § 3 and § 5. See also Annamaria Westregård, ‘Protection of platform workers in Sweden: Part 2 Country report, Nordic Future of work project 2017-2020: Working paper 12. Pillar IV’ (Fafo 2020) < https://www.fafo.no/images/pub/2020/Nfow-wp12.pdf>.
  • 24
    Danish Working Environment Act § 2(3), Swedish Working Environment Act chapter 5 3 § 5(2)
  • 25
    See Act on Working Hours § 1 (SFS 1982:673).
  • 26
    Marianne Tägtström (ed), Arbetstidslagen och dess förordning med kommentarer i lydelse från den 14 december 2008 (Arbejdsmiljöverket 2008).
  • 27
    Norwegian Working Environment Act §1-4 (1).
  • 28
    Ibid.
  • 29
    See its comments in Arbeidstilsynet, Forskrift om utførelse av arbeid, bruk av arbeidsutstyr og tilhørende tekniske krav (forskrift om utførelse av arbeid) (Arbeidstilsynet 2018).
  • 30
    Regulations concerning the performance of work, use of work equipment and related technical requirements (FOR-2011-12-06-1357: Forskrift om utførelse av arbeid, bruk av arbeidsutstyr og tilhørende tekniske krav (forskrift om utførelse av arbeid)) chapter 4.
  • 31
    Ibid chapter 26.
  • 32
    Danish Working Environment Act § 2(3).
  • 33
    NOU 2017:4 (n 3). On the subject of employer and employee, see Hotvedt, ‘Arbeidsgiveransvar i formidlingsøkonomien?’ (n 1) 484- 503; Jesnes and others (n 1).
  • 34
    Norway: Det Kongelige Arbeid- og Sosialdepartement, ‘Om lov om arbeidsmiljø, arbeidstid og stillingsvern mv. (arbeidsmiljøloven)’ (Ot prp nr 49 (2004-2005)); Jens Kristiansen, Grundlæggende arbejdsret (Jurist-og Økonomforbundets Forlag 2020); NOU 2017:4 (n 3); Arbetsmarknadsdepartementet, Ett arbetsliv i förändring – hur påverkas ansvaret för arbetsmiljön? (SOU 2017:24, Statens Offentliga Utredningar 2017); Axel Adlercreutz and Bernard Johann Mulder, Svensk arbetsrätt (Norstedts Juridik AB 2013).
  • 35
    Case C-66/85 Deborah Lawrie-Blum v Land Baden-Württemberg, judgment of 3 July 1986 (ECLI:EU:C:1986:284) para 17; Case C-344/87 I. Bettray v Staatssecretaris van Justitie, judgment of 31 May 1989 (ECLI:EU:C:1989:226) para 12; Case C-337/97 C.P.M. Meeusen v Hoofddirectie van de Informatie Beheer Groep, judgment of 8 June 1999 (ECLI:EU:C:1999:284) para 13; Martin Risak and Thomas Dullinger, The concept of ‘worker’ in EU law: Status quo and potential for change (ETUI 2018).
  • 36
    I. Bettray v Staatssecretaris van Justitie (n 35) para 12.
  • 37
    COM(2021) 762 final.
  • 38
    NOU 2017:4 (n 3).
  • 39
    Ibid 74.
  • 40
    Den norske modellen og fremtidens arbeidsliv – Utredning om tilknytningsformer og virksomhetsorganisering (NOU 2021:9) ch 9.
  • 41
    SOU 2017:24 (n 34).
  • 42
    Disruptionrådet, Kortlægning af arbejdsplatforme i Danmark (2018); Regeringen, Beskæftigelsesministeriet, Klar til fremtidens job: Opfølgning på Disruptionrådets arbejde (Rosendahls 2019).
  • 43
    Regeringen, Finansministeriet, Danmark kan mere I. Flere i arbejde. Danmark skal være rigere, grønnere og dygtigere (Finansministeriet 2021).
  • 44
    Ibid 19.
  • 45
    An approach mentioned by Zachary Kilhoffer and others (n 2) 105.
  • 46
    Judgment of 30 October 2019 in case 5725-18.
  • 47
    Judgment of 18 June 2018 in case 3944-17.
  • 48
    Kirsten Jesnes, Anna Ilsøe and Marianne J. Hotvedt, ‘Collective agreements for platform workers?’ Examples from the Nordic countries’ (2019) 3 Nordic future of work 1.
  • 49
    Konkurrencerådsafgørelse nummer 19/05552, Minimumspriser på Hilfrs platform (26 August 2020).Konkurrencerådsafgørelse nummer 19/05554, Minimumspris på Happy Helpers platform (26 August 2020).
  • 50
    A council within the Danish Competition and Consumer Authority that renders decisions in cases of principle.
  • 51
    Judgment of 21 August 2019 in case TOSLO-2018-18950.
  • 52
    Ibid 65.
  • 53
    Ibid 105, plaintiff N01.
  • 54
    Ibid 113 and 124, plaintiff N05 and plaintiff N11.
  • 55
    Judgment of 28 June 2021 in Case B-2019-184977.
  • 56
    Plaintiff N15 and N23.
  • 57
    HR-2021-2325-U (26 November 2021), Norges Høyesteretts ankeutvalg.
  • 58
    Hvidt (n 1).
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